STRUCTURAL ISSUES FOR
FRANCE
OCTOBER 2021
PUBLIC ENTITIES AND POLICIES
CONTINUING PENSION
SYSTEM ADAPTATIONS TO
REDUCE DEFICITS AND
STRENGTHEN EQUITY
COURT OF ACCOUNTS
3
CONTENTS
5
FOREWORD
7
SUMMARY
9
INTRODUCTION
11
1 - THE PENSION SYSTEM HAS BEEN REFORMED
SEVERAL TIMES, MAKING IT POSSIBLE TO CONTROL
ITS EXPENDITURES AND MAKE IT FINANCIALLY
SUSTAINABLE.
11
A - A succession of reforms and adaptations since
1993
13
B - A significant reduction in expenditures
compared to the level that would have been
reached without reform
16
2 - A SYSTEM MARKED BY VERY NUMEROUS AND
COSTLY EARLY RETIREMENTS, BY CALCULATION
RULES WHICH HAVE BECOME MORE COMPLEX
AND WHICH STILL PRESENT CERTAIN DISPARITIES
DEPENDING ON THE SCHEME
16
A - Compensation for reforms, particularly in
terms of early retirement, the cost of which is
considerable
17
B - A convergence between special schemes and
the general scheme have been initiated but not
completed
19
C - More complex rules, a source of growing
difficulties
CONTENTS
21
3 - THE DEFICITS FORECAST FOR THE NEXT TEN
YEARS REQUIRE CONTINUED FINANCIAL EFFORTS
WHILE ENSURING RESPECT FOR INTER- AND
INTRA-GENERATIONAL EQUITY.
21
A - Without further reform, the persistence of
deficits for at least ten years
23
B - Measures aimed at reducing the deficits, which
must also take into account considerations of
inter and intra-generational equity
26
REFERENCES TO THE WORK OF THE COURT OF
ACCOUNTS
COURT OF ACCOUNTS
5
This policy paper is part of a body of work intended to present, on several
major public policies, the main challenges that public decision-makers will
face in the coming years and the levers that could make it possible to meet
those challenges. This series of publications, which runs from October
to December 2021, is a follow-up on the June 2021 report submitted to
the President of the Republic, entitled,
Exiting from crisis: A public finance
strategy.
This summary work aims to develop, concerning a few essential
structural issues, diagnostic elements resulting from previous works by the
Court and avenues of action capable of consolidating long-term growth,
while strengthening the equity, effectiveness, and efficiency of public
policies.
The Court, in accordance with its constitutional mission of informing
citizens, wished to develop a new approach, which differs from its usual
work, and thus make its contribution to the public debate, through this
series of deliberately very synthetic and targeted notes, while taking care
to leave open the various possible avenues for reform.
This note was deliberated by the 6
nd
chamber and approved by the Public
Report and Programs Committee of the Court of Accounts.
Publications of the Court of Accounts are accessible online on the website
of the Court and the regional and territorial chambers of accounts:
www.
ccomptes.fr
.
FOREWORD
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7
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The French pension system is complex because it is made up of many schemes.
Its financing is based on the principle of pay-as-you-go, according to which the
youngest working generations finance, in particular through their contributions, the
pensions of the older generations. Its financial balance is weakened by the ageing
of the population.
In this context, the pension system has been reformed several times since 1993.
These reforms have led to a sharp slowdown in the growth of its spending and have
made it possible to initiate a convergence of rules between the schemes, which has
yet to be completed, however. Despite this, in an international comparison, pension
expenditures still represent a high share of the GDP (14.7% in 2020), the average
retirement age is lower, in particular given the frequency of early retirements,
and the average standard of living of retirees is high, greater than that of the
population. In the absence of a new reform, deficits (€13 billion in 2020), even if
out of proportion with those which were anticipated thirty years ago, would be
observed at least for another ten years.
Reducing deficits requires controlling pension spending, which is part of the
broader context of controlling social spending and the sustainable return of social
security to financial equilibrium. To achieve this, there are many parameters (age
of pension entitlement, early retirement arrangements, conditions for full pension,
pension indexing, etc.) but, ultimately, controlling retirement expenditure requires
pushing back retirement ages or reducing the relative level of pensions. The
measures should take into account considerations of equity between generations
and within each generation, while aiming to simplify the rules and harmonize them
between the schemes.
8
CONTINUING PENSION SYSTEM ADAPTATIONS TO REDUCE DEFICITS AND STRENGTHEN EQUITY
Key figures
•
Pension expenditures in 2020:
€338bn
, i.e.,
14.7%
of GDP
•
Number of working people to one retiree with a direct entitlement:
2.1
In
the early 2000’s,
1.7
currently,
1.5
in 2040
•
Average standard of living of retirees compared to that of the general
population:
103%
in 2018
•
Early retirement arrangements:
nearly 1 in 2
•
Average retirement age:
63.3 years old
in the European Union in
2017, versus
61.9 years old in France
(with strong disparities
between schemes, the average age in certain special schemes still being
57 years old or younger
)
•
Pension system deficit in 2020:
€13bn
Controlling expenditures by
changing the parameters of the
retirement age and the relative
level of pensions
Pursuing efforts to simplify rules and
harmonize between pension schemes
for better fairness and clarity of the
system
CONTINUING TO ADAPT THE PENSION SYSTEM
TO REDUCE DEFICITS AND
STRENGTHEN EQUITY
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9
INTRODUCTION
As the Court recalled in its report,
A public finance strategy for exiting the crisis
last June, the French pension system is complex because it is composed of a great
diversity of organizations: basic compulsory schemes, managed by the State in
consultation with the social partners (organizations representing employees and
employers), and additional compulsory schemes, under the sole responsibility of
the social partners. The special schemes that remain are the heirs of schemes and
institutions that pre-dated the 1945 reform, in a logic of solidarity within the same
profession.
Diagram No. 1: organization of the pension system: a multitude of schemes
structured by profession
Type of pension
scheme
The 6 pension schemes for public officials
Type of pension
scheme
Additional
pension scheme
*
Basic
pension
schemes
CNAVPL
CNBF,
etc.
(€2.1bn)
MSA
farmers
(€6.8bn)
MSA
employees
(€6.1bn)
CNAV (general
scheme) including
SSI (€132.7bn)
Insured
status
agricultural
workers
non-agricultural workers
non-per-
manent
staff
members
civil servants
and military
officials and
judges
FPT/FPH
officials
state
workers
Insured
workers by
special
pension
schemes
Insured
status
Employers
agricultural
sector
companies
private sector: commerce,
industry, construction,
services, etc.
public law
contracts
State
public
authorities
State
SNCF,
RATP,
etc.
Employers
So-called
“integrated”
or
“compre-
hensive”
pension
schemes
Other
special
SNCF,
RATP,
IEG etc.
(15.6
€ bn)
FSPOEIE (€1.9bn)
RAFP (€0.4bn)
Pension
scheme for
civil servants
of the State
and the
military
(€54.6bn)
CNRACL
pension
scheme
(€21.6bn)
Supplementary pension
schemes for independent
professions (€5.9bn)
RCO
(€0.7bn)
non-agricultural
independent
workers
RCI
(€2.1bn)
Supple-
mentary
pension
schemes
Agirc-Arrco
(€81.6bn)
Inde-
pendent
profes-
sions
farmers
pension
schemes
Ircantec
(3.4 €
bn)
Source: 2021 Finance Bill - The amounts correspond to those of the legal benefits provided by the
compulsory pension schemes in 2019
10
CONTINUING PENSION SYSTEM ADAPTATIONS TO REDUCE DEFICITS AND STRENGTHEN EQUITY
Compulsory retirement expenditures represented €338 billion in 2020, or 14.7% of
GDP. Their financing is essentially based on the principle of distribution - a choice
that has been the basis of the French pension system since 1945: contributions
from active workers are used immediately to pay pensions, while giving them
entitlements for their future retirement. The share of funded schemes out of all
pension expenditures remains very marginal. In addition to compulsory retirement
expenditures, the benefits paid under the supplementary retirement (or retirement
savings) contract represented only €6.9 billion in 2019. This choice of mainly pay-
as-you-go financing, which is based on trust and solidarity between generations, is
at the heart of our social pact. The youngest agree to finance the retirement of the
elderly, anticipating that the generations which will succeed them will do the same
for them.
In order to last, this system assumes that its financial equilibrium is guaranteed
over the long term. This equilibrium depends on fundamental economic and social
data: demographics (fertility, mortality and migratory balance on which the ratio of
active/retirees depends) but also economic activity (growth, unemployment, etc.).
To consolidate pay-as-you-go financing, the French pension system has been
reformed several times over the past thirty years. Successive reforms have
contributed to sharply slowing the growth in spending, and their effects will
continue to unfold over the next decades. However, the persistence of deficits,
currently accentuated by the health crisis, raises the question of new adjustment
measures.
These developments could follow on from past reforms and concern the
parameters of the system, or be part of a structural reform, such as that specified
in the universal pension system bill.
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11
1 - THE PENSION SYSTEM HAS BEEN REFORMED SEVERAL TIMES,
MAKING IT POSSIBLE TO CONTROL ITS EXPENDITURES AND MAKE
IT FINANCIALLY SUSTAINABLE
A - A succession of reforms and
adaptations since 1993
The ageing of the population undermines
the balance of the pension system. The
demographic ratio of 20-59 year-olds to 60
year-olds and over has fallen from 3 in 1960
to 2.8 in 1990, then to 1.9 in 2020. This decline
accelerated from 2006 with the of
baby boom
generations born after 1946 beginning to
turn 60. It is also explained by the continuous
increase in life expectancy, particularly in life
expectancy at age 60 which rose, between
2000 and 2020, from 25.6 to 27.3 years for
women and from 20.4 to 22.7 years for men.
In twenty years (1993-2014), to cope in
particular with the ageing of the population,
the pension system has undergone five major
reforms affecting basic pensions. These are
referred to as “parametric” reforms, because
they have modified the operating parameters
of the system (contribution rate, duration,
retirement ages, etc.) without calling into
question its logic or its structure. In addition
to measures to increase contributions, these
reforms have mainly led to a review of the
pension calculation rules.
12
CONTINUING PENSION SYSTEM ADAPTATIONS TO REDUCE DEFICITS AND STRENGTHEN EQUITY
Supplementary schemes have also been
adapted.
All the age and insurance period measurements
mentioned in the table above have been
transposed to the compulsory supplementary
schemes. The social partners, managers of
the supplementary scheme for private sector
employees (Agirc and Arrco, merged in 2019),
signed around ten agreements since 1993,
which have led to each euro contributed to these
schemes creating less entitlement to retirement
benefits than in the past, in order to maintain
Agirc-Arrco’s solvency over the long term.
The latest agreements of 2015, 2017 and
2019 were particularly innovative: for the
first time, the social partners have chosen
to act on the retirement age, by de facto
postponing the permissible age by one year to
benefit from a full-rate supplementary pension
(since 2019, the supplementary pension has
thus been reduced by the application of a
solidarity coefficient of 10% for 3 years within
the limit of the age of 67 years, if the insured
persons collect their pensions at full rate,
unless they delay their retirement by one year).
On the other hand, they adopted prudential
regulations under the terms of which the
financial reserves of the Agirc-Arrco scheme
must not be less than six months of benefits
within 15 years and pensions must evolve in
line with wages, possibly minus a “sustainability
factor” to take into account the economic
situation as well as demographic trends.
Table 1: Reforms of basic pension parameters since 1993
1993
Basic pension
schemes for
employees and
non-employees in
the private sector,
including the
general scheme
•
Confirmed indexing of pensions - as well as wages taken into account
for the pension calculation - to prices.
•
Increase from 10 to 25 for the number of best years taken into account
for the reference wage (generations 1933 to 1948).
•
Extension of the insurance period required for the full rate from 150 to
160 quarters (1933 to 1944 generations).
2003
All basic pension
schemes, including
those of the civil
service, but
excluding other
special pension
schemes
•
Extending the indexing of pensions to prices to civil service pension schemes.
•
Extending the insurance period for civil servants, to align it with that of
the general scheme from the 1948 generation.
•
Continued lengthening of the insurance period for all pension schemes from
160 to 164 quarters (1948 to 1952 generations), then according to the gains
in life expectancy (up to the 1960 generation).
•
Gradual introduction of a discount/premium system harmonized between all
the pension schemes, which reduces or increases the amount of the pension
when the duration is shorter or longer than that required for the full rate.
•
Creation of an early retirement system for long careers.
2008
Certain special
pension schemes
•
Extending the 2003 provisions to other special pension schemes (SNCF,
RATP, electricity and gas industries, etc.) according to a staggered schedule.
2010
All basic pension
schemes
•
Two-year increase in the legal retirement ages, from 60 to 62 for
the minimum age and from 65 to 67 for the age for cancelling
the discount (1950 to 1955 generations).
•
Confirming the extension of the insurance period introduced in 2003
up to the 1960 generation.
2014
All basic pension
schemes
•
Insurance period increased to 172 quarters from the 1973 generation,
at the rate of one quarter every three generations.
•
Creation of an early retirement arrangement in respect of the arduous
nature of the work under the general scheme.
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13
The
convergence of special schemes
,
including that of the civil service, with the
general scheme is
largely started
, even if
specificities persist, in particular in terms of
retirement age, reference salary for calculating
the pension, solidarity measures linked to
children and reversion in the event of widow/
widowerhood.
B - A significant reduction in
expenditures compared to the
level that would have been reached
without reform
According to INSEE, without the basic
pension reforms that have taken place
since 1993 and the switch to price
indexing, pension expenditures in
relation to GDP would have represented
17.6% in 2020 and more than 19% in
2030, so that they are now limited to less
than 14%, excluding the current effects
linked to the health crisis.
The most significant savings result from the
move to indexing to inflation and no longer on
the increase in wages, for retirement pensions
as well as for wages taken into account for the
pension calculation. In a period when inflation
was lastingly lower than the rise in wages,
this measure, initiated in 1987, made possible
savings of around €40 billion on annual pension
expenditures currently paid and has, thus,
allowed the sustainable maintenance of the
system. According to INSEE, this measure alone
may have saved 1.8 percentage points of GDP
in 2020, against 2.3 percentage points for all
the other reform measures taken since 1993. In
2030, it may even lead to savings at least equal
to those resulting from all the other measures
(around 2.7 percentage points of GDP). The
magnitude of these savings depends on the
growth differential between wages and prices.
Indexing to prices makes pension expenditures
relative to GDP sensitive to the growth rate
of the economy: the stronger the growth, the
more wages increase in relation to prices, which
helps to curb pension expenditures as a share
of GDP; conversely, the weaker the growth, the
more pension expenditures as a share of GDP
increase. Indexing to wage growth, corrected
for a sustainability factor, like the principle
retained for Agirc-Arrco, would avoid this
strong dependence on growth while containing
the increase in pensions.
With regard to the extension of the period
required for the full rate (insurance period),
the increase in the allowable savings is very
gradual. According to the Ministry of Health’s
Directorate of Research, Study, Evaluation,
and Statistics (DREES), if the roll-out of this
extension for the assets concerned between
2020 and 2035 (following the 2014 reform)
would reduce the mass of pensions by €5.5bn
in 2030 and €10.2bn in 2040.
Conversely, the effects of the reduction in the
legal retirement ages decided in 2010 were
more immediate: again according to DREES,
they would result in savings of €18.9 billion in
2020. But, by 2040, the savings would only be
€12.2 billion, which is the same as lengthening
the insurance period. Lowering the legal ages
would thus contribute to expenditure savings
linked to reforms since 2010 to the tune of 80%
in 2020, but only one third in 2040.
For the supplementary schemes, the savings
linked to the Agirc-Arcco agreements since
2011 would represent €5.2 billion in 2020,
which is in addition to those resulting from the
reforms of the base pension schemes.
14
CONTINUING PENSION SYSTEM ADAPTATIONS TO REDUCE DEFICITS AND STRENGTHEN EQUITY
Pushing back the retirement age,
however, leads to an increase in other
social expenditures, for example for
unemployment or disability
With the raising of the legal minimum
retirement age, people who cannot extend
their employment are added to the recipients
of such social benefits, and the people affected
by these allowances remain beneficiaries
for longer. However, this deferral to social
expenditures is not taken into account in
previous evaluations. The expenditures
incurred however reduce the amount savings
achieved or expected. Thus, raising of the legal
minimum age from 60 to 62 years would have
caused in 2017, at the end of its increase in
costs, of the order of €3 billion in additional
social expenditure (including approximately
€800 million for insurance). Unemployment,
€700 million for social minima and €1.2 to
€1.5 billion in disability expenses, or around
20% of the gain made that year on retirement
expenses.
Finally, despite these reforms - which
severely limited their growth - the share
of pension spending to GDP remains
high in France compared to other OECD
countries.
Graph No. 1: share of pension expenditures to GDP in 2017
Interpretation: in 2017, pension spending (public and private) represented 10.3% of GDP in Canada, including 4.8%
of GDP for public pension spending and 5.5% for private pension spending.
Note: Countries are ranked in ascending order of the share of public pension expenditures to GDP in 2017.
Source: Panorama of pension systems in France and abroad, 15
th
report of the Pension Orientation Council,
December 2020
4.8%
5.2%
5.6%
7.1%
7.2%
9.4%
10.2%
10.5%
10.9%
13.6%
15.6%
5.5%
4.6%
5.2%
5.3%
3.1%
2.5%
0.8%
1.1%
0.3%
0.3%
1.1%
0%
-2%
4%
6%
8%
10%
12%
14%
16%
18%
20%
Canada
Netherlands
United Kingdom
United States
Sweden
Japan
Germany
Belgium
Spain
France
Italy
Public
Private
9.1%
2.7%
Countries
monitored
by COR
Also by comparison with other OECD countries, the retirement ages observed, as well as the legal
ages of entitlement, are on average lower.
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15
The relatively high level of pensions contribute
to the fact that the average standard of living of
retirees today is higher than that of the general
population. In 2018, the average standard of
living of retirees was 2.9% higher than that
of the general population. That difference
is as high as 9.1% if we take into account
the fact that retirees more often own their
homes. Among the eleven developed countries
monitored by the Pension Orientation Council
(COR), it is in France, where it reached 103.2%
in 2016, that the average standard of living
of people over 65 compared to that of the
population as a whole is the highest. This ratio
is also very close to 100% in Italy, but around
85% in the United Kingdom, Sweden and the
Netherlands, 90% in Germany and 95% in
the United States and Spain. The trade-off for
the indexing measures mentioned above is a
relatively slower increase in the resources of
retirees compared to those of active workers.
However, this effect is gradual and is not yet
fully visible.
Finally, the poverty rate of retirees is much
lower than that of the population as a whole
(8.7%, against 14.8% in 2018). It is also lower
than the poverty rate for retirees in other
developed countries monitored by the COR,
with the exception of the Netherlands.
Unevenly distributed efforts:
all in all,
despite the solidarity and equity measures
that accompanied them, the reforms, through
general measures, would weigh more heavily
on those insured with low wages or having left
employment early. For example, for the 1980
cohort, the cumulative pension loss linked
to the reforms since 2010 would be more
than 10% for those insured outside the labour
market from the age of 50, against 3.4% for
those with high salaries. In particular, such
pension holders have been more strongly
affected by the raise in legal ages, especially
the raised age for cancelling the discount from
ages 65 to 67, which concerns them more
because of shorter careers. In addition, the
redistributions conducted solely by the rules
for calculating pensions, without taking into
Graph No. 2: Ages for opening pension entitlements as at 1
st
January 2021 and eventually
58 years
60 years
62 years
64 years
66 years
68 years
70 years
Canada
Sweden
United States
France
Japan
Belgium
Spain
Germany
United Kingdom
Netherlands
Italy
Scheduled
Eventually
In 2021
Source: Annex of the 2021 Finance Bill on public service pensions and data in 2020
16
CONTINUING PENSION SYSTEM ADAPTATIONS TO REDUCE DEFICITS AND STRENGTHEN EQUITY
account explicit solidarity measures (minimum
pensions, family pension entitlements, etc.),
overall increase inequalities to the detriment
of pension holders with a short career,
therefore pension holders with lower wages
and women in particular. These redistributions
are linked to several factors: non-linearity of
the period calculation validated in the basic
annuity schemes, calculation over only part
of the career of the reference earned income
in such schemes, dependence on discounts
and premiums on both the retirement age
and the insurance period for all schemes,
superimposition of basic and supplementary
schemes, or differences in rules between
schemes.
2 - A SYSTEM MARKED BY VERY NUMEROUS AND COSTLY EARLY
RETIREMENTS, BY CALCULATION RULES WHICH HAVE BECOME
MORE COMPLEX AND WHICH STILL PRESENT CERTAIN DISPARITIES
DEPENDING ON THE SCHEME
A - Trade-offs for reforms, particularly
in terms of early retirement, the cost
of which is considerable
The reforms occurring since 2003 provided
for specific solidarity and equity measures
intended to limit the unfavourable effects
on certain categories of contributors. Thus,
exemptions concerning the legal minimum
retirement age have been introduced for long
careers (from 2003) and arduous work (2010,
2014). Measures have also been taken in favour
of women and small pensions (such as the
increase in the minimum contribution for the
quarters paid in 004 or the reduction in the
salary necessary to validate a quarter in the
general scheme from 200 to 150 minimum
wage hours, allowing a third-time employee
paid the minimum wage to validate four
quarters per year in 2014).
Early retirement arrangements are the cause
of nearly one in two retirements. These
exemptions, which concerned around 400,000
new retirees in 2017, have a high cost for the
community (around €14 billion in 2016). For
the measures provided for by the 2014 reform
alone, the cost would be €0.7bn in 2020, €2.7bn
in 2030 and €4.1bn in 2040, according to the
estimates of the impact study conducted for
the bill.
Early retirement for long careers
Among the measures derogating from the legal minimum age, the most
significant today is the so-called long careers arrangement, which is open
to all and whose associated costs are significant (€6.1 billion in 2016). The
flow of early retirements for long careers reached a high point in 2017.
The gradual increase in the length of insurance period required to benefit
from the full rate and later entries into the labour market have resulted
in a reduction in the number of early retirements under this system since
2018. This reduction is nevertheless very gradual since, according to CNAV
projections, it is only in the mid-2030s that early retirements for a long career
would return to their 2009 level.
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17
Others early retirement arrangements are specific
to certain sectors: employees in the private sector
may benefit, due to the arduous nature of their
work, from an early retirement by up to two years;
some civil servants occupy “active” job categories
presenting “
a particular risk or exceptional fatigue
”,
which allows an early retirement by five years
(professional firefighters, nursing assistants, etc.)
or even ten years (police officers, sewer workers,
etc.) compared to the “sedentary” categories.
These reasons for early retirement exist in the
other special schemes, in particular at SNCF,
where they are generalized, and at RATP, where
the possibilities of ten years’ early retirement
are frequent. Thus, the average retirement age
in 2019 was around 63 years for sedentary civil
servants and employees in the private sector,
around 59 years for civil servants in the active
category, around 57 years at SNCF and around 56
years at RATP.
These measures, known as “age measures”,
contribute to the fact that the average
retirement age is lower in France than in most
other countries. The European Commission
estimates this average age at 61.9 years in
2017, compared to 63.3 years across the
European Union (including 64.3 years in
Germany, 64.4 years in the United Kingdom
and 65.3 years in Sweden).
All in all, the reforms have made it possible
to contain the fall in the number of working
people compared to the number of retirees
with direct entitlement (therefore excluding
retirees only benefiting from a survivor’s
pension), without halting it, however. The
number of working people to one retiree with
direct entitlements has gone from 2.1 at the
start of the 2000s to 1.7 today, and would only
be 1.5 in 2040.
B - A convergence between special
schemes and general scheme
initiated but incomplete
The reforms, since the reform of 2003, have
reduced the inequalities of treatment between
insured persons under different schemes and
have very significantly brought the parameters
of the general scheme and most of the special
schemes closer together, starting with those
of the civil service. The main measures of the
2010 and 2014 reforms have indeed concerned
all the schemes, but based on the staggered
application timetables for special schemes
other than those for the civil service.
Civil service pensions: rules now partly aligned with those of
the general scheme
The 2003 reform converged the insurance period required for the full rate
of civil servants towards that of private sector employees and extended
to civil servants the principle of revaluation of pensions based on prices. It
generalized and harmonized the discount and premium system between
civil servants and private sector employees, with a convergence period of
nearly 20 years for the discount. Following the 2010 reform, the convergence
also focused on aligning the contribution rates of pension holders, with
implementation over a ten-year period.
18
CONTINUING PENSION SYSTEM ADAPTATIONS TO REDUCE DEFICITS AND STRENGTHEN EQUITY
The other special schemes, in particular those
of the RATP, the SNCF and the electricity and
gas industries (IEG), began to be reformed
from 2008. These reforms were acquired at the
cost of a significant spread of their effects over
time and of generous support to guarantee
their social acceptability. All the reforms thus
entered into force with a significant delay
compared to the other schemes, of 4.5 years
for the 2008 reform relating to the insurance
period in relation to the civil service and 14.5
years in relation to the general scheme. The
two-year increase in the legal retirement age
decided in 2010 will not be fully effective until
2024, against 2017 for the other schemes;
the new extension of insurance periods
provided for by the 2014 reform has also been
postponed to take into account the timetable
for the 2008 and 2010 reforms.
Certain differences and peculiarities remain,
depending on the specificities of the schemes
concerned. Among the rules that are still
different between the private and public sectors,
in particular we find that of the reference salary
(the 25 best annual salaries in the general
scheme, compensation excluding bonuses
for the last six months in the civil service), the
definition of the contribution base (the full
salary under the general scheme, compensation
excluding bonuses in the civil service) and the
possibilities of early retirement, with the “active”
categories, seen previously. Among the other
differences, in particular are the calculation of
the duration (one quarter validated for a salary
of 150 minimum wage hours under the general
scheme, prorated by the working time for civil
servants), the distinction between basic and
supplementary pensions (only in the private
sector), solidarity measures linked to children
(increase in the insurance period of up to one
year per child for civil servants, against two
years under the general scheme) and reversion
in the event of widow-/widowerhood (subject to
resources under the general scheme but not for
civil servants).
According to the Ministry of Health’s
Directorate of Research, Study, Evaluation, and
Statistics (DREES), if the pension calculation
rules for private sector employees were to be
used for Public civil servants born in 1958,
for example, their retirement age would be
significantly different: 62% could benefit from
the full rate at the same age, 27% later (active
categories) and 11% earlier (especially women
benefiting from increases in the insurance
period for children). The impact on the amount
of pensions would be low on average but highly
variable depending on the insured.
Inequalities in pension treatment, linked
to the existence of different rules, can also
be observed between insured persons with
an international career and those with
an equivalent career in France, despite
international coordination on compulsory
retirement. In particular, the self-employed are
often excluded from the benefit of bilateral
agreements: careers carried out in more
than two countries (at least one of which is
outside Community regulations) do not make
it possible to add up the time spent working in
all countries, even when bilateral agreements
with those countries exist; resumption of
professional activity after one’s pension has
started to be paid under the general social
security scheme allows for extra pension
entitlements and may result in a revised
pension calculation in France, but only if the
activity is resumed abroad. Such a recalculation
cannot happen when the resumed professional
activity takes place in France.
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19
C - More complex rules, a source of
growing difficulties
While pursuing a goal of equity, the succession
of reforms has contributed to complicating
the rules on retirement, which are already
difficult to understand by pension holders
who are frequently affiliated with several
pension schemes because of their professional
background. This complexity can be difficult
to manage for pension schemes and can
facilitate errors or the fraudulent collection of
pensions. At the same time, the old age branch
of the general scheme has not adopted any
risk management arrangements up to the
challenges, in particular to handle management
interactions with other pension schemes. This
situation poses in particular difficulties in the
proper payment of pensions, which the Court
noted, particularly for the pension minimums
and for the old age minimum.
The cap since 2012 of the pension minimum paid by the
general scheme, a source of complexity
Some retirees, affiliated with several basic schemes, receive pensions which
can be high in total but whose portion paid under the general scheme is very
low. To prevent such members from benefiting from the minimum pension
paid by the general scheme (entitled “contribution minimum” or MICO),
which may increase the amount of the general scheme pension when it is
low, the legislator has provided that from 2012, the MICO was not to be paid
in full since it raised the sum of the retirement pensions received above a
certain amount (under all the schemes concerned).
The introduction of this capping mechanism has made the MICO award
procedure and the calculation of its amount much more complex, which
depend on information from other pension schemes. Among the pensions
paid in 2017, 37% were potentially eligible for the MICO before the cap was
taken into account but, at the end of 2018, only 26.1% had been able to
be processed and give rise to the calculation of the cap. Thus, at that date,
the data relating to the other pensions of the insured - necessary for the
determination of the MICO - remained unavailable for 10.9% of the pensions
paid out, representing nearly 30% of potentially eligible cases, i.e., nearly
70,000 cases. Within this backlog, just over one quarter benefited from the
payment as an advance of a provisional amount pending a regularization
thus involving subsequent risks of undue hardship, and for the remaining
three quarters, the MICO was neither calculated nor served (thus likely to
lead to recalls).
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CONTINUING PENSION SYSTEM ADAPTATIONS TO REDUCE DEFICITS AND STRENGTHEN EQUITY
More generally, the errors of a definitive nature
which affect the retirement benefits newly
granted by the general scheme have continued
to increase, even though the old age branch
is the one whose usual functioning was the
least affected by the pandemic. Thus, between
2016 and 2020, the proportion of pensioners
affected by a financial error fell from 11.5% to
16.4% - which means that one in six benefits
newly awarded or revised in 2020 included
at least one financial error in favour of or to
the detriment of the insured - and such errors
represented 1.9% of the amount of the new
benefits paid in 2020, compared to 0.9% four
years earlier.
The errors relating to the monthly amount of
retirement pensions affect the situation of the
insured and the expenses of the old age branch
throughout the duration of the service of such
benefits. Thus, the errors that occurred in 2020,
if they are not researched and corrected
a
posteriori
, will have a cumulative financial
impact of €1.6 billion over the entire payment
period of such benefits to newly retired people
(compared to €1.1 billion for errors made the
previous year, in 2019).
Fraud and errors in the payment of the old age minimum
Almost 75% of the fraud detected in the old age branch concern the old
age minimum, mainly for non-compliance with the residence or resources
conditions (these represent 71% of the amount of damages suffered in
this respect, while fraud only concerned 3.5% of retirees with their own
entitlements and 2.1% of benefit amounts in 2019).
The frequency of errors continued to increase in 2020, reaching 23.8% for
the old age minimum. Thus, nearly one in four pension calculations includes
at least one error, which in 75% of cases is to the detriment of retirees. This
situation is partly due to the complexity of the eligibility rules, including
the conditions of residence and regularity of the stay, and to the still non-
dematerialized exchange of information with the applicant.
Weaknesses of the internal control
mechanisms of the minimum old age pension
were documented by the Court in a Pension
division financial statements audit, as well as in
its recent report on social benefits fraud.
COURT OF ACCOUNTS
21
3. THE DEFICITS FORECAST FOR THE NEXT TEN YEARS REQUIRE
CONTINUED FINANCIAL EFFORTS WHILE ENSURING RESPECT FOR
INTER- AND INTRA-GENERATIONAL EQUITY.
A - Without new reforms, the
persistence of deficits for at least ten
years
Projecting the financial situation of the pension
system is a complex exercise, which is based
on many assumptions: growth in economic
activity, demographic trends (births, deaths
and net migration), level of State intervention
to subsidize the schemes, etc.
In its latest annual report, the Pension
Orientation Council (COR) notes that the
share of pension expenditures to GDP
reached a particularly high level in 2020, at
14.7%, mainly due to the contraction of the
activity, while pensions indexed to prices are
insensitive to economic conditions. It predicts
that this ratio should decrease from 2021 with
the rebound in activity, return to a near pre-
pandemic level from 2022, and then remain
until 2030 at around 13.7% of GDP. Beyond
that, the COR anticipates that this ratio will
decrease, given the full effects of past reforms,
despite the ageing of the French population
(to establish this projection, in 2021 the COR
revised downward the fertility hypothesis to
1.8 children per woman and no not 1.95, as
well as that of life expectancy, of -1 year in
2040, for example).
In total, pension expenditures as a percentage
of GDP would decline mainly due to the fall
in the average pension compared to average
earned income (the average pension would
continue to grow in constant euros, but less
quickly than the average earned income): this
ratio is currently 50.1% and in 2040 it would be
between 41.5% and 44%. This decline would be
all the greater the stronger the growth.
However, the fall in the share of pension
expenditures to GDP does not mean that
there is no problem with funding pensions.
Indeed, the deficit of the entire pension system
widened massively and reached €13 billion in
2020 (taking into account the one-off payment
of €5 billion from the Reserve Fund for
pensions in the old age branch of the general
scheme), i.e. 0.6% of GDP, including €3.7 billion
for the old age branch of the general scheme
(CNAV), €2.5 billion for the old age solidarity
fund, and €5.6 billion for the supplementary
schemes for private sector employees.
This sharp deterioration in the deficit is said
to be essentially tied to the current situation.
However, the deficits, even if they are out of
proportion with those which were anticipated
thirty years ago in view of past reforms, may be
observed at least for another ten years.
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CONTINUING PENSION SYSTEM ADAPTATIONS TO REDUCE DEFICITS AND STRENGTHEN EQUITY
The extent of future deficits in the pension system
Price indexing makes pension expenditure relative to GDP sensitive to the
rate of growth of the economy. According to the latest COR projections,
pension expenditures as a share of GDP in 2040 would thus be between
12.8%, with the highest productivity growth assumption used (1.8% per year)
and 13.6% with the lowest assumption (1% per year). The financial situation
of the pension scheme is closely related to the overall expected growth in
GDP: the lower the growth, the more deteriorated the situation. However, it
is not excluded that growth could be even lower than that envisaged by the
COR in its least favourable scenario.
The deficits appearing in those pension schemes which do not benefit from
balancing subsidies would remain significant over the next 25 years: from
-0.2 to -0.5% of GDP per year on average from 2021 to 2045 depending on
whether we use the most favourable (1.8% per year) or least favourable (1%
per year) COR growth forecasts. At the same time, the state budget should
be less used to continue to balance the state civil service scheme and other
special schemes which benefit from a balancing subsidy. In the assumption
examined by the COR, where this lower financial effort was offset by subsidies
to schemes which do not currently receive any (particularly the general
scheme), so that the GDP share of the State contribution to the pension
system remains constant, the pension system as a whole would be close
to equilibrium, with a surplus or deficit of 0.1 percentage point of GDP on
average per year over the 2021-2045 period. But, even in this case, the near
balance over 25 years does not exclude short-term residual deficits, reaching
up to - 0.2% of GDP around 2030, before being absorbed more or less quickly.
COURT OF ACCOUNTS
23
3.2. Measures aiming at reducing the
deficits, which must also take into
account considerations of inter and
intra-generational equity
The reduction of deficits in the pension
system thus raises the question of the level of
retirement expenditures, which are determined
by the retirement ages and the amounts of the
pension, as well as its financing, as pointed out
by the Pension Monitoring Committee in its
opinion of July 2021.
With regard to financing, the room for
manoeuvre for further increases in contribution
rates appears limited, since France already
has the highest compulsory levy rate in the
European Union.
Controlling retirement spending is part of the
broader context of controlling social spending
and the sustainable return of social security to
financial equilibrium, which requires reducing
the trend in social security spending, through
a continuous effort, below potential growth, as
the Court has regularly recalled in its annual
reports on the application of social security
financing laws.
New measures could make it possible to control
increases in pension expenditures. There are
many parameters to achieve this, whether it
be the age at which pension entitlements are
granted, the age conditions and insurance
period for a full pension, discount and premium
mechanisms, rules for calculating the pension
or indexing the pensions paid. Ultimately, the
control of pension expenditures would result
in later retirement ages or a fall in the relative
level of pensions.
Such measures must take into account
considerations of equity between generations
and within each generation. The possible
adaptations of the pension system thus
have distinct effects on current and future
working and retired people, depending on their
professional situation, their career profile and
their wealth. A precise analysis of their impacts
is necessary in order to preserve the situation
of economically or socially vulnerable people.
24
CONTINUING PENSION SYSTEM ADAPTATIONS TO REDUCE DEFICITS AND STRENGTHEN EQUITY
From this point of view, the question of the
effective retirement age is inseparable from
actions involving the social partners and the
companies themselves, aimed at promoting
the retention of employees in employment.
Particular attention must be paid to early
retirement mechanisms, avoiding measures
that are too general in scope, and paying more
attention to taking into account the arduous
nature of jobs, by reviewing them and targeting
them more narrowly, both in the private sector
and in the civil service (active categories), as
recommended by the Court during recent
audits.
Regarding the relative level of pensions, it is
important to take into account the diversity of
situations among retirees, while preserving the
lowest pensions. We also note that the average
standard of living of retirees is higher than that
of the general population, and that the younger
generations should not benefit from this
favourable situation once they retire. Under
the gradual effect of past reforms, the average
pension for retirees is expected to increase
more slowly than average earned income,
leading to a lower increase in living standards
for retirees than for the general population.
In the future, without further reforms, the
average standard of living of retirees will once
again fall below that of the general population
(from 5 to 10% in 2040).
In addition, the simplification of the rules
and their harmonization between schemes,
whatever the modalities, which may range
from the pursuit of the gradual convergence of
the parameters of the different schemes to the
merger of all the schemes into a unified system,
remain desirable goals.
Inter-generational equity, intra-generational equity
Inter-generational equity consists in seeking a fair distribution of the efforts
that must be made by retirees on the one hand, and working people on the
other. The questions that arise, for example, are the following: how far can we
reduce the relative level of pensions, while preserving the lowest pensions?
To what extent can we reduce the average retirement period (a period of
time which, in the absence of new reforms, would tend to stagnate over
generations)?
Intra-generational equity consists in seeking the fair distribution of the efforts
that must be made by contributors or members of the same generation
according to their sector of professional activity and their membership in a
specific scheme. It involves seeking to objectively correct unfair situations.
It refers, for example, to the fact that past reforms have placed more strain
on people with low wages and that the current pension rules are more
unfavourable to them. It also refers to unjustified differences in rules between
pension schemes, for objectively comparable situations.
COURT OF ACCOUNTS
25
More generally, in its June 2021 report
entitled,
Exiting from Crisis: A public finance
strategy
, the Court recommends continuing
to adapt pension schemes in order to control
the rise in expenditures and to improve its
equity. It emphasizes that a resumption of
the pension system reform or an adjustment
of the parameters of entitlement or pension
calculation would require enhanced expertise
to help reach a common understanding of
the issues at stake, an in-depth and broad
consultation of stakeholders, and an
implementation schedule that is sufficiently
spread out to facilitate acceptance and allow
private employers to make the necessary
changes.
The Court’s recent pension recommendations
In its 2016 report on Public service pensions, the Court highlighted various
pathways for reform, which remain fully relevant: particularly, the need to
maintain efforts to make calculation rules converge between the public
and private sectors, the need for harmonization of family and marital
retirement entitlements, and the systematic review in the event of categorical
negotiation of the scope of professions falling under “active categories”.
For special pension schemes of the RATP (Paris Underground), the SNCF
(France Railways), and the electricity and gas industries (IEG), in 2019 the
Court reiterated pathways for reform, recommending that the rules of these
schemes continue to be harmonized with those of the civil service and to
finance the cost of the specific entitlements of the various schemes, at
least for future entitlements, through contributions from companies and
employees. It indicated that, with a view to the establishment of a universal
pension system, such measures would be part of a wider movement to
harmonize the rules and the usefulness of their implementation would be
linked to the length of the transition period to the new system.
Among the specific entitlements of special schemes, including those of the
civil service, are the possibilities of early retirement, which has become the
majority. In 2019, when examining the various arrangements that allow
derogations from the legal retirement age, the Court recommended, in
addition to re-examining the scope of professions falling under the active
categories and, within those professions, the positions that entitle employees
to early retirements (due to arduousness), stabilization of access to the
so-called “long career” system - the successive extensions of which have
made it the most frequent early retirement method today.
26
CONTINUING PENSION SYSTEM ADAPTATIONS TO REDUCE DEFICITS AND STRENGTHEN EQUITY
REFERENCES TO THE WORK OF
THE COURT OF ACCOUNTS
The Court has carried out a great deal of work in recent years on which it has drawn,
in particular the following publications:
l
The old age minimum and the back-to-school allowance: a strong contribution to
poverty reduction, contrasting management performance (Le minimum vieillesse
et l’allocation de rentrée scolaire : une contribution forte à la réduction de la
pauvreté, des performances de gestion contrastées),
Report on the application of
social security financing laws (Ralfss) 2021, chapter X, October 2021;
l
Exiting from Crisis: A public finance strategy (Une stratégie de finances publiques
pour la sortie de crise),
June 2021;
l
Report on the certification of the accounts of the general social security system,
fiscal year 2020 (Rapport sur la certification des comptes du régime général de
sécurité sociale, exercice 2020),
May 2021;
l
International coordination in matters of compulsory retirement, referral (La
coordination internationale en matière de retraites obligatoires, référé),
March 2021;
l
The rise in expenditures on family benefits and pension insurance: reforms
and important effects for the insured (L’évolution des dépenses de prestations
familiales et d’assurance retraite : des réformes et des effets importants pour les
assurés),
Ralfss 2020, chapter III, October 2020;
l
Minimum retirement pensions: a complex system whose logic has become
uncertain (Les minima de pension de retraite : un système complexe à la logique
devenue incertaine),
Ralfss 2020, chapter VII, October 2020;
l
The fight against fraud in social benefits (La lutte contre les fraudes aux prestations
sociale),
communication to the Senate Social Affairs Committee, September 2020;
l
The Agirc-Arrco supplementary pension: recovery and rationalization efforts to be
continued (La retraite complémentaire Agirc-Arrco : des efforts de redressement
et de rationalisation à poursuivre),
annual public report 2020, volume I, chapter
4, February 2020;
l
Retiring earlier: numerous and unequally justified measures, a necessary
redefinition (Partir plus tôt à la retraite : des dispositifs nombreux et inégalement
justifiés, une redéfinition nécessaire),
Ralfss 2019, chapter V, October 2019;
l
End of career: a risk of precariousness for seniors excluded from the labor market, an
increasing cost for solidarity (Les fins de carrière : un risque de précarité pour les séniors
exclus du marché du travail, un coût croissant pour la solidarité),
referral, July 2019;
l
The special retirement schemes of the RATP, the SNCF and the electricity
and gas industries (Les régimes spéciaux de retraite de la RATP, de la SNCF et
des industries électriques et gazières),
communication to the Social Affairs
Committee of the National Assembly, July 2019;
l
Retirement pensions for civil servants: changes to be pursued (Les pensions de retraite
des fonctionnaires : des évolutions à poursuivre),
thematic public report, October 2016.
The publications of the Court of Accounts are available on the website:
www.
caccounts.fr
This report is available on the Court of Accounts website:
www.ccomptes.fr
STRUCTURAL ISSUES FOR
FRANCE
OCTOBER 2021